When is a Hate Crime Not a Hate Crime? In Two-Tier Britain, When it’s Against Whites

When is a hate crime not a hate crime? In two-tier Britain, the answer is when it’s against whites. I’ve previously written at length about this double standard for the Daily Sceptic, with the most obvious example of it being the failure over many years to ever prosecute the grooming gangs as racial hate crimes. It’s clear these laws were two-tier from the beginning, and the way the multicultural state continues to work means there is every incentive that they stay that way.

But when offences aren’t treated as hate crimes that probably should be, who precisely is to blame? Is it the fault of the police, the Crown Prosecution Service, or the courts – or all three? Here are three recent cases which would seem to fit the bill of anti-white hate crimes which weren’t treated as such – and the way the authorities have attempted to explain to me why they weren’t.

Amar Hussain

During the Southport unrest an armed Muslim mob attacked the Clumsy Swan pub in Bordesley Green, Birmingham. This formed part of considerable disorder in the Bordesley Green area on August 5th 2024 in part of an “anti-EDL protest” by local Muslims, organised supposedly to defend a local mosque after a rumours of a ‘far-Right’ march that day (this did not transpire). This “protest” involved large groups of masked Muslim men, many of them bearing Palestine flags, menacing reporters, attacking one terrified Skoda driver and trying to kick in the barricaded doors of the Clumsy Swan as families sheltered inside.

One of those to attack the Clumsy Swan was 34 year-old Amar Hussain. While most of the customers had sheltered inside, one lone white man remained outside, Sean McDonagh, 51, and he was set upon by Hussain and others, punched and kicked to the ground, and left needing to be hospitalised with a lacerated liver.

Hussain pleaded guilty to violent disorder and assault by beating, receiving for his two offences one month less than Lucy Connolly did for her single tweet. Hussain’s paltry sentence for the unprovoked attack could have been much higher if the offence were treated as a hate crime. Why wasn’t it? The CPS told me this: “The EDL is not recognised as a racial or religious group. There were no factors in the behaviour that made this a specific assault due to religious or racial motivations.”

This is a bizarre excuse and indeed, an outrageous one. “No factors”? Was the fact that a Muslim mob set upon a random white bloke, the only one not barricaded inside the pub, not a factor? What about the assault on the pub itself, pubs being bastions of Englishness in a highly segregated city in which notionally non-drinking Muslims rarely step? The claim that the English Defence League is not a recognised racial group, meanwhile, is not only puzzling (are the English not a racial group?) but is in a total non-sequitur. McDonagh was not a member of the EDL (the group has been defunct for several years). He was simply white man standing outside a pub not holding a Palestine flag. This was apparently all it took for this anti-EDL mob to unleash its violent fury upon him; he was clearly targeted as an Englishman and non-Muslim. But in the apparent absence of a specific exclamation like ‘get whitey’ or ‘you white bastard’, the CPS insists this mob was entirely colourblind.

Ameer Khalile

The previous day at the other end of the Pennines in Middlesborough, Ameer Khalile was part of another Muslim mob which shouted “white racist scum” as they chased a man down the street, before Khalile stamped on his victim’s head in a “vicious and violent” attack. The judge noted that his innocent victim, who, having been left face down in a ditch, could easily have drowned, was “probably attacked because he was white”. Khalile’s sentence for violent disorder and attempted grievous bodily harm with intent was just 34 months.

When I initially asked the CPS why the offence hadn’t been prosecuted as racially aggravated, I was told that in fact it had. What followed was a long back and forth in which, essentially, the court and the CPS blamed each other for racial aggravation not having been considered.

The CPS said: “At Ameer Khalile’s sentencing the prosecution asked the judge to consider that his offence was racially aggravated, under section 66 of the Sentencing Act 2020.” However, in his sentencing remarks, which I obtained, Judge Richard Clews said (emphasis mine):

The attempted causing grievous bodily with intent took place first, it’s captured on CCTV. You were part of a group that attacked Lewis Cook for no other reason, it seems to me, other than that he appeared to be simply in your path at the time and was a convenient target. As far I can tell, he done absolutely nothing wrong and nothing to any of you, and he was probably attacked because he was white, indeed certain comments were made by members of the group to that effect. You’re not charged with a racially aggravated offence, that much is clear, and I, therefore, take that into account. There’s no evidence it was you who uttered those words, and although you might have been associated with them, I can’t be sure of that.

When I put these comments at sentencing to the CPS, a press officer, having double-checked, said that “our advocate in court did ask the judge to impose an uplift”. He then appeared to question the judge’s ruling, adding: “We’re not sure why this is not reflected in the judge’s sentencing remarks.”

I put this to the judge and when I eventually got a response, he said he did not recall the case because so much time had passed. However, he noted the following:

If the CPS thought the sentence was unduly lenient and did not adequately reflect the offending they could have referred it to the Attorney General.

I cannot recall what the prosecution said in their opening.

It might be that I thought it was not proved that this particular defendant’s actions were sufficient to come within s.66 of the Sentencing Act. That fits with what I said at 3G of the sentencing remarks [above], when I said I could not be sure. But as I say I don’t after this length of time have any recollection of the case.

So what seems to have happened is that the judge declined to consider that Khalile’s vicious head-stomping against a random white man was racially aggravated because although someone in the Muslim mob had shouted “white racist scum” at the victim, he couldn’t be sure that Khalile personally had said this. Again, as with Hussain, when a group of Muslims is attacking a white bloke, the null hypothesis is apparently that each must be an impeccably colourblind liberal unless he makes an explicit racialist statement in the midst of his violent anti-white attack. In his even-handed wisdom Judge Richard Clews couldn’t be “sure” Khalile was “associated” with the anti-white sentiment of the group he was in while he stomped on a white victim’s head.

Still, while this certainly seems a ludicrous ruling, one can note that the CPS, having for once apparently sought an uplift for racial aggravation in this case, not only didn’t make its case sufficiently convincingly for the judge, but also, as Judge Clews notes, declined to refer the case onwards for undue leniency after it was ignored. The result of both is that with just a 34-month sentence, Khalile is likely now out to roam the streets of Middlesborough.

Quinton Brown

Quinton Brown, 52, was sentenced to 10 months after admitting exposure and two counts of assault at Birmingham Crown Court on Monday February 16th.

The court heard that Brown had approached a mother, her two daughters and her sister in central Birmingham while exposing himself and said, “Hi girls, I want to rape a white girl”, words he then repeated. He then assaulted one of the women, before the children “began to cry hysterically”, said Simon Hunka, prosecuting.

Brown’s offences were charged (not prosecuted) by the police. Why wasn’t he charged with a statutory racially aggravated version of assault? A spokesperson for West Midlands Police said: “We spoke to a number of witnesses at the time who gave varied accounts of the exact words used by the defendant. Some of those accounts did not include a racially aggravated element, and so our investigators took the view that there was insufficient evidence to prove that the offence was racially aggravated.”

Arguably this was a cop out in charging by the cops, though in fairness they will not have wanted to jeopardise the case by charging an offence which wouldn’t stand up. Even still, with Brown charged with assault and indecent exposure, the CPS could certainly have applied for a sentencing uplift for racial aggravation for the indecent exposure on the grounds of his repeated words “I want to rape a white girl” – evidence the prosecution indeed relied upon in court. And yet racial aggravation wasn’t sought. Indeed, a Freedom of Information request I filed showed that the offences had never been flagged as potential hate crimes at all on the CPS’s internal system.

Naturally, when I asked the CPS to account for the failure to prosecute the case as a hate crime, it blamed the police: “This case was charged by police but a racially aggravated element was not added.” This is another non sequitur – it is up to the CPS prosecuting lawyer to review each case to decide whether it ought to be treated as a hate crime; it is not the police’s responsibility.

So what have we learned about how two-tier justice happens? Our institutions’ basic attitudes of political correctness and asymmetrical multiculturalism combine with a little incompetence and laziness. The result: a merry-go-round of feckless officials passing the buck – and non-whites being allowed to attack whites with relative impunity.